GAROWE ONLINE EDITORIAL | Somaliland can serve as an example to other Somali regions and Hargeisa, Somalia's second capital, can become the seat to a new Federal Somalia.

No doubt congratulations are in order for the new President of Somaliland, H.E. Ahmed Mohamed Mohamud "Silanyo," a former rebel chief and more recently leader of the Kulmiye opposition party. More congratulations go to the voters in Somaliland who, after enduring two painstaking years of unconstitutional rule under the Riyale regime, voted out the UDUB party for the first time in the unrecognized separatist republic’s history.

Ahmed Silanyo, new President of Somaliland

Somaliland's political system showed maturity and uniformity, for the most part, and the presidential election was praised rightly by many outside (foreign) observers. At Garowe Online, we agree that Somaliland's election be praised for the transparent and orderly nature of the people's democratic exercise. The election is a classic example to other Somali regions and yet another testament that self-rule under a Federal Somalia is the only option to restoring the defunct Somali nation-state.

However, foreign election observers and the international community must understand that there was no election held in Sool and Sanaag regions, which are allied to Puntland State. In fact, a Puntland government delegation led by Interior Minister Gen. Abdullahi Ahmed Jama "Ilkajir" has been Sanaag region since before Somaliland's June 26 election day. There were reports of election workers being shot and killed in parts of Sool region. No doubt, Somaliland and its elections remain deeply unpopular in Sool and Sanaag regions.

The incoming president of Somaliland has many difficult tasks and days ahead. Tackling corruption and attracting investment seem to be high on agenda for the new administration. Such things are domestic issues.

Review the separatist agenda

But Somaliland's separatist agenda must be reviewed for long-term stability and sustainable peace in northern Somalia.

On Oct. 20, 2007, just days after Somaliland troops seized Las Anod (provincial capital of Sool), Garowe Online editorial wrote: "What is important to note is that Somaliland's peaceful existence for so long depended on their detachment from the civil war. But by conquering Las Anod, Somaliland has effectively drawn itself back into the civil war."

Somaliland needs to inject a new voice into the discourse over its politics. The real question must be tackled: will Somaliland re-join the Somali national peace process?

Map of the Puntland-Somaliland land conflict

In prior years, it has been lawful to punish free thought in Somaliland whenever a native raises the prospect of Somali unity. Such restrictive measures alienate the public and provide another foothold for sentiment expertly utilized by radical propaganda from Mogadishu’s megalomaniacal maniacs or their sympathizers. Other restrictions include a government ban on independent radio stations; for example, Radio Las Anod, which operated during Puntland's control of Las Anod, was shut down immediately after the arrival of Somaliland troops in late 2007.

Will Kulmiye politicians open serious internal debate in Somaliland about the negatives and positives of the separatist agenda? Indeed, as in any true democratic society, free thought should be encouraged – not punished. Without international recognition and foreign investment, Somaliland is still a dirt-poor part of Somalia. Indeed, if only peace was a measure, Al Shabaab extremists have brought peace to major cities in southern Somalia, including Kismayo and Baidoa.

Elections and stability

President Silanyo's victory has many different meanings. He is the fourth President of Somaliland, after Tuur, Egal, and Riyale. He takes the helm of power through peaceful elections, a rare event in East Africa where longtime rulers such as Ethiopia's Meles, Eritrea's Aferwerki, Djibouti's Guelleh, and even, Kenya's Kibaki have all clinged to power through one illegal measure or another.

The people of Somaliland conceded power to the elderly Ahmed Silanyo for three major reasons: 1) his acceptance of the 2003 election, when Riyale defeated him with 80 votes; 2) his role as leader of the Somali National Movement (SNM), whom Somaliland's separatist zealots refer to as "Mujahid" (same term used by Al Shabaab extremists to describe their fighters); and 3) the Riyale regime's overt corruption and constitutional disturbances.

Somaliland's incoming leader should tackle to fix the constitutional disorder the outcoming Riyale regime created since postponing the elections for two years. This should be one of the new administration's major duties to help reverse the political problems that arose from the two-year constitutional crisis. Representative government based on constitutional law that is respected by all parties is the key to stability, and Somaliland people understand this.

In comparison, the State of Puntland does not use popular elections to change leaders. In January 2009, Puntland held its third peaceful election in 11 years and H.E. Abdirahman Mohamed "Farole" was elected president by the 66-member Puntland Parliament, which functions like an Electoral College during elections. Puntland, which envisions a Federal Somalia, has many lessons to learn from the Somaliland style of elections -- which mimics Western-style models of democracy in the hope of gaining international recognition from the West. Yet, the African Union, dominated by dictators and tyrants who despise elections, is the key to recognition for any part of Africa seeking independence.

Wisdom dictates that millions of dollars spent on expensive election gimics and experts, all from Western countries, could be better spent on productive activities such as improving water and electricity, or renovating roads and hospitals. Funds donated by Western countries towards the Somaliland election in the millions often benefit companies and experts from the West, while the people of Somaliland continue to face water shortages, for example.

Our advice to Somaliland: look at Turkey's years-long effort to appease the West with the hope of being accepted into the European Union. Turkey even banned Islamic clothing for Muslim women at Turkish universities. Where did that effort get Turkey? Today, research indicates that most of Turkish society no longer want to become EU members after belatedly realizing that what they lose is far greater than what they gain.

After 20 years of appeasing the West, international recognition has not come nor is it coming. Indeed, is it not time to rethink separatism and to take a share of the Somali pie that is going to waste in Mogadishu?

Mogadishu is not sacred

No doubt, funding and other resources donated by the international community under the name "Somalia" (incl. Somaliland) are spent in Mogadishu, to support the Transitional Federal Government (TFG), or Somalia's "shell government" as noted by regional experts. What is the result of international support to Mogadishu's shell government: only more killings and more displacement of civilians.

By joining the peace process, Somaliland can lead the way; Mogadishu is not Makkah, eternal seat of the Muslim Ummah. This is to say VERY LOUDLY the message that doomsayers seem to never comprehend: Mogadishu's status as a capital city is not sacred. Mogadishu has not seen peace over the past 20 years and its sense as a national capital where all Somalis feel an emotional attachment has eroded beyond recognition. The war-battered city’s newest residents, Al Shabaab and AMISOM, have continued the unjust wars inflicted upon any group that lives in Mogadishu since the outbreak of the 1991 clan pogroms and the subsequent Darod exodus.

If the international community genuinely wants to restore peace and governance in Somalia: all legitimate political elements with constituencies must be included in the process and foreign meddling should be minimized to the extent possible. The national peace process needs all pieces of pre-1991 Somalia to come together and to reorganize the country into federal states – a strategy that centers on community self-development, for which Somaliland and Puntland are examples, and not foreign-imposed "shell government" that controls a few blocks of Mogadishu.

Somaliland can serve as an example to other Somali regions and Hargeisa, Somalia's second capital, can become the seat to a new Federal Somalia.  Mogadishu's maniacs have held hostage the Somali nation for 20 years and their time is up.

If Somaliland cannot step up, Puntland will.

Garowe Online Editorial
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